Double Standards

Last week, federal prosecutors called Donald Trump a felon.

In their sentencing memo for Michael Cohen, Trump’s long-time lawyer, the prosecutors noted that Cohen paid off two women who claim to have had extramarital affairs with Trump.  Since the payments were intended to influence the Presidential campaign, they violated campaign finance law when they were not reported.  Prosecutors added that “Cohen himself has now admitted, with respect to both payments, he acted in coordination with and at the direction of Individual-1.”  Since “Individual-1” is Trump, that in essence makes Trump an unindicted co-conspirator in a federal felony.

That, of course, is just the current status.  The Mueller report is still outstanding and could result in charges related to conspiracy and obstruction of justice.  I’ll contend that there is already sufficient proof in the public domain to meet a civil court’s “preponderance of evidence” standard for these additional charges.  I suspect a criminal court’s “reasonable doubt” standard will also be met in the near future and related impeachment proceedings are still a possibility.

And yet, Republicans are already lining up to defend the President.

I was particularly struck by the on-camera dismissal of the charges by Sen. Orrin Hatch (R-UT), saying:

You can make anything a crime under the current laws if you want to. …

I don’t care.  All I can say is he’s doing a good job as President.

My interest in this particular rant was piqued when I remembered that Hatch was the chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee during President Clinton’s impeachment trial.  I suspected that Hatch might have weighed in somewhere with respect to that President’s legal battles during a time when a large portion of the country thought Clinton was doing a “good job” as well.

Of course, Hatch did indeed have something to say.

On Feb. 23, 1999, Sen. Orrin Hatch (R-UT) entered a 14,000 word treatise into the Congressional Record.  Since it serves as an uncannily direct rebuttal to the position that he and his colleagues have taken two decades later, below are excerpts presented in order, in-context, and without commentary:

Our duty calls on us to answer a serious question — whether the President’s actions warrant his removal from office. …

The President’s Counsel has argued that the President can only be removed for constituting, what Oliver Wendell Holmes termed in free speech cases, a ‘‘clear and present danger.’’ It was contended that a President can only be removed if he is a danger to the Constitution. … But such a standard establishes an impossibly high bar as to render impotent the impeachment clauses of the Constitution. … Committing crimes of moral turpitude, such as perjury and obstruction of justice, go to the very heart of qualification for public office. … The fact that the underlying behavior was private in its genesis is irrelevant. Such private acts demean the Office of the President, and betray public trust. Those acts therefore are impeachable. …

A President of the United States is not simply a political leader. A President is a head of state and a role model for Americans, particularly our children. What kind of message will we send to our posterity if [his] conduct is not considered worthy of removal? What amount of cynicism and disrespect for our governmental institutions will we engender if we impose one set of rules for the common man … and another for the President of the United States — who receives a pass from removal because he is powerful or has done a ‘‘good job’’ in some eyes? … Whether [he] has done a ‘‘good job’’ is a matter of partisan debate. In fact, adopting a ‘‘good job’’ exception — a term that is so flexible and vague as to be meaningless as a constitutional standard — merely exasperates the partisan tensions ever present in impeachment trials. …

Americans should be able to rely on him to honor those values that have built and sustained our country, the values we try to teach our children — honesty, integrity, being forthright. … Upholding our Constitution — a sacred document that Americans have fought and died for — is more important than any one person, including the President of the United States.

Hypocrisy, thy name is Hatch.

Republican Power Grabs

In the recent elections in Wisconsin, Democrats won every single statewide race.  Voters chose a Democratic U.S. Senator, a Democratic Governor, a Democratic Attorney General, a Democratic Treasurer, and a Democratic Secretary of State.  In addition, Democrats won 54% of votes cast statewide for the U.S. House and 54% of votes cast statewide for the Wisconsin State Assembly.

And yet, the Republican Wisconsin Assembly Speaker declared after the election that “We are the ones that were given a mandate to govern.”

Say what?

Indeed, due to massive gerrymandering, Democrats won only 3 of Wisconsin’s 8 U.S. House seats and won so few seats in the Wisconsin State Assembly that Republicans retained a 64% super-majority.

But Wisconsin Republicans still weren’t satisfied.  This week, in a special session of the Assembly that was called solely for this purpose, Republicans told Wisconsin’s voters to go screw themselves.  They rushed through a gaggle of bills – with almost no debate and allowing exactly one minute of public comment – so that they could send the bills to the desk of lame-duck Republican Gov. Walker for his signature before he gets kicked out of the office he just lost.  There is so much to wade through that no one is quite sure yet what was included.  However, here’s just a few highlights of what the bills do:

  • Blocks the Governor’s ability to write regulations.
  • Moves a majority of appointments to the economic development board from the Governor to the Assembly.
  • Prevents the Governor from expanding early and absentee voting.
  • Enshrines limits on collective bargaining rights in legislation.
  • Prevents the Governor from banning guns in the Wisconsin capitol.
  • Moves management of federal benefit programs to the Assembly.
  • Blocks the state from withdrawing from a lawsuit challenging the Affordable Care Act.
  • Moves management of lawsuits to the Assembly and gives them the power to hire their own lawyers to represent the state (effectively replacing the Attorney General’s office).

Let’s be clear.  The Democratic candidates ran on these issues.  The Democrats won.  And yet, the Republican-controlled Assembly decided to negate the results of the election with a last-minute power grab.

The Wisconsin Assembly also completed a mass confirmation of 82 last-minute nominees from Gov. Walker, despite the fact that the incoming Democratic Gov. Evers had requested they stay open for another month until the transfer of power is complete.  These confirmations, of course, come from the same party that wouldn’t even give a hearing to a Supreme Court nominee from a sitting President eight months before the election of his successor and ten months before the transfer of power.

This is why we can’t have nice things.

It is also anathema to long-held traditions in Wisconsin.  Indeed, when Gov. Walker won election, he asked the outgoing Democratic Gov. Doyle to immediately halt his signature high-speed rail project since Walker had campaigned against it.  Doyle did so.  Gov. Doyle has also recently noted that his Republican predecessor was “classy” after losing his election to Doyle.  Elections have consequences.  Or at least they used to have consequences.

A bedrock principle of democracy is an absolute expectation of the peaceful transition of power when the will of the voters dictate a change.  Otherwise, democracy dies.

Where is the shrill outrage we’d hear from Republican lawmakers and conservative commentators if Democrats were the ones trying to hold onto power after so clearly losing an election?  Wisconsin Republican Sen. Ron Johnson simply offered that the uproar over the massive last-minute legislation was “way overblown.”  When asked his opinion about the Wisconsin power grab, outgoing Speaker of the House and Wisconsin Representative Paul Ryan merely responded:  “I don’t have anything for you.”  Ah, leadership in action.

It would be bad enough if all of this was just a Wisconsin issue.  Unfortunately, it’s not.

  • In North Carolina, the Republican legislature passed laws in a lame-duck 2016 session that limited their Governor’s powers right after a Democrat won that office.
  • In Michigan, after Democrats flipped the offices of Governor, Attorney General, and Secretary of State this year, the lame-duck Republican legislature is now considering giving themselves power to intervene in state legal proceedings that have always been controlled by the Governor and Attorney General.  Michigan Republicans also just repealed a minimum wage law that they themselves passed prior to the elections.  Of course, they had only passed the law to stop a similar voter-driven initiative from even appearing on the ballot.  Yes, really.
  • In Ohio, the Republican-controlled Senate just passed a bill that would limit the ways in which courts could interpret their statutes.
  • In Utah, the Republican Governor just signed a bill to negate provisions of a medical marijuana initiative that was just approved by Utah’s voters.

We have ourselves a pattern here.

Alas, I can already hear my Republican friends screaming “Democrats do it, too!” and “Both sides are to blame!”

Bullshit.

I am so over hearing this false equivalency argument.

Sure, Democrats have gerrymandered a couple of deep blue states (notably Illinois and Maryland) where they also enjoy north of 65% of the popular vote.  Republicans, however, have massively gerrymandered numerous swing states (notably Wisconsin, Michigan, Ohio, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Florida) to give themselves major advantages in states where the popular vote is much more evenly split.

More importantly, though, there are zero examples of Democrats using stacked districts to conduct power grabs like the ones we are currently seeing from Republicans.  That’s purely a Republicans-Only game.  And it sucks.

The one possible silver lining here is that voters have memories.  In their zeal to protect control of their state governments, Republicans might well be handing national Democrats a major gift.  By disenfranchising swing state voters at the gerrymandered district level, Republicans may well be guaranteeing a huge backlash at the state level.  If Democrats win the popular vote in these states in 2020, they will win all of their Electoral College votes.  The 10 Electoral votes from Wisconsin could certainly come in quite handy.

In the meantime, I guess we just have to accept that Republican politicians don’t give a damn about democracy.  They just want power.

2020 Electoral Landscape

I thought I’d share my current analysis of the Electoral College landscape for the 2020 Presidential election.  I’m still collecting data and tweaking algorithms but, since I’ll be doing that for the next couple of years, a work-in-progress snapshot seems appropriate.

I find it seriously counter-productive to ignore facts when trying to formulate a game plan.  Otherwise, I might be the President!  Since I’m not, I do try to let data dictate conclusions.  I won’t claim, however, that my algorithms aren’t influenced by my politics.  Live with it.

The “rules” of my landscape map are as follows:

  • I assume that the 2020 Republican ticket is Trump/Pence, the Democratic ticket is TBD, and there is no significant third-party ticket.  Even a relatively weak third-party ticket would likely guarantee Trump a second term given the rules of the Electoral College.
  • There are only five state classifications in this map:  Safe D (blue), Likely D (light blue), Toss-up (grey), Likely R (light red), and Safe R (red).
    • Safe states will vote as defined in 2020, regardless of the Democratic ticket.
    • Likely states will generally vote as defined in 2020.  The opposing party will face an uphill battle in these states and the Democratic ticket will define the slope of the hill.
    • Toss-Up states aren’t pre-aligned and the 2020 Democratic ticket will fully determine who has the initial upper hand.
  • For simplicity, I’m assigning all of Maine’s and Nebraska’s Electors the same statewide classification even though their Electors are possibly split.  The simplification very slightly favors Republicans, which is fine for my purposes.

Below is my current landscape map of the 2020 Electoral College (using 270toWin‘s build-your-own map feature):

At least for the moment, my analysis shows that a generic Democratic ticket will start from a slightly stronger position than Trump/Pence. While that’s good news, this is only a baseline.  The actual Democratic ticket will matter.  It will only matter in the 18 Likely/Toss-Up states, but it will matter.

Concurrently in 2020, 12 of the 18 in-play states will also elect a U.S. Senator and 2 of them will elect a Governor.  These statewide races will trade impacts with the Presidential race in each state and my current analysis says that zero of these statewide races are total slam-dunks for the incumbent party.  It’s going to be interesting.

In future posts, I plan to use this framework to discuss possible Democratic strategies and tickets to win an additional 88 Electoral votes from the 246 available in the 18 in-play states.  As I’ve said before, the Electoral College is THE ONLY game that matters for the Presidential election.  I may hate the rules of the game, but it’s the game we’re playing.

Nancy Pelosi

Nancy Pelosi is not my favorite Democrat.  I think she and Harry Reid missed a golden opportunity in 2009 to reach across the aisle and pick off a few moderate Republicans for some early bipartisan wins when Democrats briefly controlled everything.  (Yes, moderate Republicans did once exist.)   The pair could have made Obama’s life a whole lot easier.  But, no.  They decided to play the same ultra-partisan hardball games that Republicans play when they’re in charge.  It was an understandable response; it just wasn’t a particularly smart response.

That said, it is way beyond stupid for any Democrat to challege Nancy Pelosi in her current bid for Speaker on the floor of the House.

Pelosi just won the Democratic Caucus nomination 203-32.  That’s a pretty solid super majority.  Note that the 32 dissenting votes weren’t cast in favor of any alternative candidate.  They were simply “No” votes for Pelosi.  Seriously?  These folks have no plan; they just want to obstruct.  Dandy.  Perhaps they should hold their breath and slam a few doors while they’re at it.

But fine.  They’ve established their anti-Pelosi street cred for whatever reason they deemed was in their best interests.  I won’t make a judgement on an internal caucus vote.  See above.

But now it’s time to close ranks and support the candidate favored by the vast majority of the party.

The new Democratic House majority is pretty strong, but it’s not quite strong enough to survive 32 “No” votes for Pelosi on the floor of the House.  @#$%.  Have we learned nothing?  The very last thing Democrats need is their own version of the Republican Freedom Caucus that got rid of John Boehner.  The Democrats cannot start their majority rule in the House with the acknowledgement that a very small group can obstruct everything if all of their demands aren’t met.  And let’s be crystal clear:  Their demands suck.

  • No, Pelosi can’t agree to massive rules changes that would enable Republican obstruction in the House.  I’d be disappointed if she didn’t learn from previous mistakes and open things up a bit.  However, there’s no reason on Earth that she should formally tie her own hands.  If the rules changes are the “right” thing to do, Republicans could change the rules RIGHT NOW.  The GOP is still in charge until January.  But no.  They’re pushing through crap while they still have the gavel.
  • No, Pelosi can’t declare that she won’t run again in two years.  That would make her a useless lame duck Speaker and that’s just idiotic.  She’s done everything short of taking out a full page ad in the New York Times to telegraph her intention to step down in 2020 if she’s an issue.  She’s not stupid.  She won’t give Republicans that ammunition.  Back the hell off.
  • No, Pelosi can’t guarantee everyone the committee assignment they want.  Frankly, I think she’s gone further than she’s needed to in this regard.  Blackmail seldom results in a long-term gain.

Oh, and by the way, here’s a friendly warning to the anti-Pelosi gang:  You’re playing way above your skill level.

Say what you will about Nancy Pelosi, but she knows how to play the political game better than almost anyone.  With Donald Trump in the White House and Mitch McConnell in the Senate, House Democrats absolutely need someone with experience and, well, balls.  There’s a good reason Republicans tried to paint Pelosi as a boogeyman in the 2018 mid-terms.  They know she’s tough.  If you’re a Democrat campaigning against her now, I’d advise you to watch your back and check your bed for the head of a horse.

A few of you can vote “Present” if you must (to reduce the number of votes needed for a floor majority).  I personally think that’s a chickenshit decision, but fine.  The fact is that Nancy Pelosi is going to be the next Speaker of the House.  Period.  The very best you can do is weaken both her and the Democratic party right out of the gate.  If you do so, you will incur the wrath of both Pelosi and those of us that are already looking forward to 2020.

Tread very carefully.

The Electoral College

In partial preparation for an initial analysis of the 2020 Presidential election, some of the first state-level data I gathered related to the Electoral College.  That data subset quickly took me down a rabbit hole chasing after a rodent that’s been on my nerves for a very long time.

This is why I have a blog.  I need to vent.

First, a short civics lesson is required.  [Yes, Dr. Philpott, I was apparently paying attention in your American Experience class during my Freshman year at UT.  Who knew?  Sure, I did my own research years later but I can trace at least some of my political interests and my tendency to question everything back to your class.  Thank you.]

First, let’s recognize that the Founding Fathers did a phenomenal job defining a very complex governmental structure that has survived for over two centuries.  However, they were human and had to make compromises to complete a Constitution that could actually be ratified by the states.  In many cases, those compromises were brilliant.  However, with respect to the election of the President, not so much.

The process to elect the President is codified in Article II, Section 1 of the U.S. Constitution as modified by the 12th and 23rd Amendments.  In essence, the Constitution mandates that each state select a number of Electors equal to the total number of U.S. Senators and U.S. Representatives from that state.  These Electors then each cast separate votes for the President and Vice President.

If one or both elections fail to get a majority of Electors, then all hell breaks loose.  With processes that would confuse Rube Goldberg, the House and Senate then decide the outcome(s).  This topic might deserve its own post at some point, particularly since an Electoral College tie is a distinct possibility these days.  For now, however, we’ll just consider the basic Constitutional mandates above.  They are quite literally as simple as the preceding paragraph.

Note that:

  • The Constitution does not mandate how a state’s Electors should be selected.
  • The Constitution does not mandate how a state’s Electors should be apportioned between candidates.
  • The Constitution does not mandate how a state’s Electors should vote.

These important decisions are left entirely to each state.  Thus, a whole lot of what we accept as givens with respect to the Electoral College are just state laws and practices, not Constitutional mandates.  Indeed, even the term “Electoral College” isn’t in the Constitution.

So, before we get to the states’ implementation issues, we need to understand why we have Electors in the first place.  There were two primary reasons:

  1. The Founding Fathers simply didn’t trust the masses.
    • Alexander Hamilton summarized his rationale in The Federalist Papers: No. 68.  Therein, Hamilton claimed that Electors would be “men most capable of analyzing the qualities adapted to the station” and that they would be “most likely to possess the information and discernment requisite to such complicated investigations.”  In his view, Electors would prevent a candidate with “Talents for low intrigue, and the little arts of popularity” from conning his way into the Presidency and prevent “the desire in foreign powers to gain an improper ascendant in our councils.”  Hamilton not only thought that it was acceptable for each state Elector to vote independently of any apparent state preference.  He considered it their purpose to vote in possible defiance of uneducated popular opinion that favored an unqualified candidate with foreign influences.
    • That’s almost funny.  Almost.
  2. The Electoral College was an accommodation to slave-owning states.
    • The number of Electors is tied to representation in Congress, representation in Congress is based on population, and the Three-Fifths Compromise originally counted five slaves as equal to three free people for population purposes.  While James Madison originally favored the direct election of the President, he wrote in his Notes of the Constitutional Convention that it would put southern states like his at a disadvantage.   Under a direct vote approach to Presidential elections, states would get no political benefit from their citizens’ ownership of non-voting slaves.  Hence, Madison lobbied for the Electoral College.
    • That’s not funny at all.

The states, in their collective wisdom over time, subsequently took this framework of a bad idea and managed to make it worse.

All states currently hold popular elections for President and most states (48 states and DC) then assign all of their Electoral votes to supporters of the candidate receiving a plurality of the popular vote.  Only two states (Maine and Nebraska) apportion their Electors.  For what it’s worth, Hamilton favored choosing Electors by district but eventually decided to leave that decision to the states. Unfortunately, once one state tried to increase its influence with a winner-take-all scheme, most of the other states quickly followed suit so as to not be disadvantaged.

Since all states have decided that their Electors should be party-assigned, hard-line loyalists, Electors are very unlikely to vote otherwise.  So-called “faithless Electors” have appeared but last impacted an end result in 1796.  Thus, large numbers of voters in each state – from both parties – are completely without representation in the Electoral College.

We are all well aware of the recent history of Electoral College results being at odds with the popular vote.  Al Gore beat George W. Bush by 543,895 popular votes but lost the Electoral College 266 to 271; Hillary Clinton beat Donald Trump by 2,868,686 popular votes but lost the Electoral College 227 to 304.

What most people fail to realize is that it is largely an accident that Electoral College results and popular votes have ever been close at all.

In the current political environment, both Democrats and Republicans generally enjoy a mix of both large and small states.  Imagine, however, a scenario where the smaller states all favored Party A and the larger states all favored Party B.  Using Elector counts by state, the 40 smallest states plus DC account for 282 Electors – more than enough to decide the Presidency.  Using total vote counts by state from 2016, those same 40 states plus DC accounted for 66,253K votes.  Since only a popular majority is required to capture all of a state’s associated Electors, we can cut that vote total in half, making the required vote count 33,168K.  Since a total of 137,536K votes were cast nationwide in 2016, that means that 24% of all voters could have easily won the election.

Think about that.  The President of the United States could have been legally elected in 2016 with less than a quarter of the popular vote and with no votes in the 10 largest states having any consequence at all.

It would be tough to consider this scenario fair by any standard.  If you’re thinking it could never happen, remember that California cast its Electoral votes for George H.W. Bush and that Texas cast its Electoral votes for Jimmy Carter.  Things change.  Things change quickly.  Things change in unpredictable ways.

The Connecticut Compromise created our bicameral legislature with states having proportional representation in the lower chamber and equal representation in the upper chamber.  This was the key to avoiding what Alexis de Tocqueville would later refer to as “the tyranny of the majority” in the Legislative branch of our government.  What the Electoral College essentially enables in the Executive branch is the tyranny of the minority, whereby a minority collection of voters can enjoy an unchecked ability to override the will of the majority in selecting the President.

A revamping of the way we select our President could also correct an unfortunate side-effect where Presidential candidates campaign almost exclusively in a handful of “swing states” largely ignoring the vast majority of “safe states” that heavily favor either party.  A national election in 1787 might well have been impractical.  The Founding Fathers can hardly be faulted for not predicting radio, television, and the Internet.  However, there is simply no modern excuse for not correcting this affront to the basic tenets of democracy.  It’s safe to say that most of the framers of the Constitution would be appalled by what the Electoral College has become.

There are three possible solutions:

  1. Adopt a Constitutional amendment that substitutes a nationwide popular vote for the Electoral college.  While this is the cleanest approach, it’s a tough hurdle since it requires approval by two-thirds of the Senate, two-thirds of the House, and two-thirds of the States.
  2. Adopt a proportional allocation of Electors in every state as Hamilton intended.  This isn’t a perfect solution and the winner of the nationwide popular vote might still not get a majority of Electors.  However, it would definitely be better.  Unfortunately, there is little reason to believe that all states could ever act in tandem to implement this change.
  3. Adopt a multi-state agreement where the winner of the national popular vote gets awarded all of the Electors in each state participating in the agreement.  The advantage of this solution is that it only requires the buy-in of enough states to form an Electoral majority.  There is, in fact, an effort underway to implement this plan.  The National Popular Vote bill has been enacted by 12 states with a total of 172 Electoral votes.  It could be put into practice if it gets support from additional states with a total of 98 Electoral votes.

Do I think any of the above are actually going to happen?  Unfortunately, no.  Something needs to change, but it probably won’t in my lifetime.  We’re likely stuck with what we have and the best we can do is figure out how to game the existing system to our advantage while the other side tries to do the same.

You can almost smell the democracy in action.  The Founding Fathers would be so proud.

Inside Baseball

I’ve just begun the process of gathering and organizing the necessary data to do some predictive and prescriptive 2020 election analytics.  The questionable key word here is “necessary”.  As I piece together a data set from a multitude of sources (that are often not easily consumable), I constantly find additional data sets that might also prove useful.  Is that additional data necessary?  I have no clue.  I find it fascinating, though, and I’d rather have data I don’t eventually use than miss something important.  It’s a geeky FOMO.  Help me.

Anyway, as previously noted, the 2020 Presidential election will obviously be all about Electoral College votes.  Hence, the data I’m currently gathering is organized by state.

At the moment, I’m accumulating the mostly obvious state-level data related to such things as population, population growth, voter counts (eligible, registered, & participating) by election year, military population, # of Electors, Elector voting history by party, Governor’s party, Senators’ parties, US House party split, cumulative US House voting history by party by year, State Legislatures’ party control, concurrent 2020 Governor and US Senator races, region, % of US GDP, federal tax per capita, federal aid as a % of state revenue, military $s as a % of state GDP, … you get the idea.

I really want to add state-level voter estimates by age, sex, race, religion, education, etc., but that’s going to require a ton of work and I may decide to only pull that data for states that I otherwise deem to be “in-play”.  Or I may find myself on my couch at 3am with my second bag of Cheetos, an empty bottle of bourbon, and 50 state websites open on my laptop.  We’ll see.

Through the haze, I can begin to see patterns emerging even within the embryonic version of the collected data.  A few of the patterns have surprised me; some appear supportive of early conjectures by a few of the better analysts that do this professionally (e.g. the Cook Political Report, 270toWin).  While I’m not interested in simply duplicating others’ work, it is nice to reach some similar conclusions as validation.

There is so much available data out there in so many relevant arenas that every analysis must define its own scope limitations.  My scope will likely be limited by my patience and alcohol budget.  However, I will eventually try to interpret whatever data I ultimately assemble from what I hope will be a fresh perspective.

2018 Elections – My Report Card

It really hadn’t occurred to me to go back and evaluate my 2018 race analyses.  But when a reader asked, I thought it was an interesting question.  I’m currently online at a bar, so a little self-indulgence seems quite appropriate.

With respect to the Senate, I mostly just called a Democratic takeover improbable at best.  True enough.  I didn’t exactly go out on a limb there.

With respect to the House, however, I did rely on some rather complex custom data analytics.  I didn’t so much make predictions as I suggested where money could best be spent in the closing months of the campaign to guarantee that the Democrats took control of the chamber.

  • I said there were 11 races where the Democrats would win without much additional help.  Democrats won all 11 of those races.
  • I picked 20 races where I thought additional money should be concentrated to help the Democratic candidates who had a decent chance to win.  Democrats won 14 of those races and another 3 races have yet to be called.  To date, Republicans have won only 3 of the races that I picked.
  • In Texas, I said there were two seats that the Democrats should flip and, indeed, both flipped.  I saw an outside chance of Democrats taking two additional Texas seats and the Democrats took one of them.

Considering only the Democratic wins above, the Democrats would have taken the House.  While they won additional races to pad their margin, I think I can claim success.  I’ll give my analysis a “B” in the unlikely scenario where the Democrats lose all three of the outstanding races but I think I deserve an “A” if they win them all.

That’s not too bad for my initial attempt at political data analytics and I have the data to tweak the model for the next cycle.

Cheers!

2018 Elections – By The Numbers

Rather than doing “real” work, I’ve found myself digging through initial election results data.  Yeah, I’m a geek.  I could do this all day.  All night.  Whatever.  However, I thought I’d best share a snapshot of what I have and try to move on for now.

As every political commentator has constantly noted, a lot more people voted this year than is normal for a mid-term election.  Nationwide, 49.2% of eligible voters cast ballots earlier this month.  Yeah, okay.  While I personally don’t find a cause for celebration in the fact that half of the electorate couldn’t bother to vote, I guess I should be happy with the improvement from the 36.7% turnout in 2014.

Beyond the raw voter totals, however, there’s really not a whole lot that we know for sure quite yet.  Despite a ton of pundits citing mid-term voter breakdowns to make various prognostications, the numbers we have are based on very preliminary data – and those numbers are open to interpretation.  That, of course, didn’t stop me from taking a peek.

I cobbled together my current take from numerous sources, each with their own issues.  As such, I suggest that no one look too hard at the exact numbers since some things won’t quite add up.  In an attempt to compare apples-to-apples, I did try to only consider available data in U.S. House races – since all voters had an opportunity to vote in exactly one of those races.  Of course, candidates really do matter and the breakdowns are thus not necessarily indicative of any generic preference.  However, this is what we have.  Consider this an extremely rough first take of a very broad (D) vs. (R) voter profile for 2018:

In brief:

  • Men favored Republicans but more women voted and they favored Democrats by a wider margin.
  • White voters outnumbered non-white voters and they favored Republicans, but non-white voters favored Democrats by much wider margins.
  • White men went heavily Republican but white women were evenly split.
  • College-educated voters favored Democrats and the parties split the rest.
  • Protestants favored Republicans but non-Protestants favored Democrats by wider margins.
  • Older voters outnumbered younger voters and they favored Republicans, but younger voters favored Democrats by much wider margins.
  • Democrats took the cities, Republicans took the country, and the parties split the suburbs.
  • Self-identified independents favored Democrats.

Got all that?  Now forget it.  While the above is certainly fascinating (at least to me), it’s just not as enlightening as you might expect going forward.

Yes, the above data is minimally useful to derive early projections with respect to the 2020 House races.  The current numbers look decent for Democrats and it’s always easier to defend a majority than to build one.  However, the dynamics of a concurrent 2020 Presidential election will most certainly have a huge impact that is as yet unknown.  Also, the up-ticket Senate and Governor races will be quite different in 2020 than they were this year.

In the Senate, it’ll be a brand new game with a different set of 33 seats on the table – 21 held by Republicans and 12 held by Democrats.  At least one reasonable scenario has the Democrats flipping just enough net seats to split the Senate 50-50.  In that case, with the VP potentially casting decisive Senate votes, the 2020 Presidential election becomes even more important – if that’s even possible.

And so.  Everything comes down to the 2020 Presidential election.  That election, of course, will be decided solely by Electoral College votes.  Given that most states allocate all of their electors to the victor in their state, overall popular vote totals don’t matter and state-level margins don’t matter.  State wins and state elector counts are the whole game.  Thus, Democrats need to look at voter profiles and turnout rates for each state completely independent of the others.  The above national analysis needs to be considered separately for every in-play state, state-level trends need to be estimated, state-level outreach strategies need to be defined, candidates need to be evaluated using state-based metrics, and, somehow, a Democratic ticket needs to be formed that can piece together a 50%+1 majority in enough states to get at least 270 electoral votes.  My head hurts.

Whether or not the Electoral College is still a good idea might well be the topic of a future blog post.  (Spoiler Alert:  It’s not a good idea.)  However, for now, we have to assume the rules we have.  At some point in the hopefully near future, I’ll take an early look at the 2020 Electoral College map along with some Democratic ticket options.

Sure, the 2020 elections are two years away.  But there’s a whole lot of work to do and the time to start is now.  Break’s over.

Recounts

Election results are still in doubt in Georgia, Florida, and Arizona.  Because, of course.

Look.  We’re quite obviously a pretty evenly divided country at the moment.  One side or the other isn’t going to be happy with any final results in these races.  It’s tough to lose and it’s even tougher to lose when it’s a close race.

But seriously.  Have we learned nothing?  In none of these races is there a pressing need to rush to any decision.  The two Senate races will not change the balance of power in the Senate even if both races eventually go to Democrats.  Florida and Georgia can survive without a called Governor’s race for at least a few weeks.  Everybody needs to take a deep breath.

Of course, I’d personally like to see the Democrats win every one of the races.  I’m an admitted partisan at this point and would thus be a horrible person to put in charge of the recounts.  That said, I like to think I’m a fair person.  Based only on what I’ve read, I’d guess that the Arizona Senate race is clearly a Democratic win and that the Georgia Governor race is clearly a Republican win.  Both the Florida Senate and Governor races are tight and I have no clue.  It’s Florida.

In any case, here’s my two cents:  If we’d object to similar vote counting practices in a third-world country, why the hell would we accept them in ours?  How hard is this?  Votes matter.  Rules matter.  Follow the rules and count all the votes.  Every damn vote.  Don’t rush it.  Do it right.  Do it transparently.

This is, unfortunately, not a job for the courts.  The Supreme Court lost a lot of credibility with a purely partisan vote in Bush v. Gore.  They should have stayed in session until they could have issued a ruling – any ruling – with no less than a 7-2 majority.  The 5-4 ruling deciding the American Presidency was an insult to democracy.  As a direct result, any decisive court decisions in the current races would be questioned in terms of the makeup of whatever court had jurisdiction. In my humble opinion, the best a court could do is to appoint a neutral third-party, acceptable to both sides, to interpret the rules and evaluate ballots as necessary in each race.

For the love of God, please don’t just call any race for either side just because you can.  We deserve better.

2018 Elections – Results

Well.  That was interesting.  I considered making a drinking game out of election night.  You know, like taking a shot whenever a seat flipped from (R) to (D).  Or pouring a drink whenever Wolf Blitzer reported a race’s results, with less than 5% reporting, as being a bellwether for the whole country.  Or whenever polling data was massively wrong.  Then I decided I’d just drink.  Good call.

Things aren’t over yet, but I thought I’d post a few raw impressions before I turn off the TV, close the laptop, recharge the iPad, and put away the Scotch:

  • There were, of course, numerous surprises in individual races.  At a macro level, however, things went pretty much as expected.
  • The great news is that Democrats will have a significant majority in the House.  There will now be at least some check on the Trump administration and an end to complete Republican control of the government.  I do see a Constitutional crisis in our future as subpoenas get issued by House committees and then get ignored by the White House.
  • The bad news is that Republicans will significantly increase their majority in the Senate.  Democrats were never going to win the Senate, but there’s no way to spin the lost seats as anything other than defeat.  Republicans will spend the next two years stacking the courts.  Pray for Ruth Bader Ginsburg.  From a legislative perspective, however, there’s just not much the Senate can do without negotiating with the House.  Thus, another Constitutional crisis will likely be triggered as Trump attempts to govern solely by Executive order.
  • Democrats picked up a few Governors’ offices, but not two important ones that were on the table:  Florida and Ohio.  Their importance will be evident in 2020.
  • Incumbent moderates in both parties got creamed.  That is not a good thing.
  • A lot of women candidates won.  That is a good thing.
  • At the individual race level, I’m personally disappointed that some Democratic candidates didn’t win (Beto O’Rourke, Andrew Gillum, Richard Cordray, Amy McGrath, MJ Hegar, etc.), but I’m not particularly surprised about the results.  Pollsters, however, will be trying to figure out how to modify their methodologies since some of their predictions in these races were way off base.
  • Both Democrats and Republicans will claim victory.  Both have a point.
  • My bottom line is that I’m not throwing a party, but I’ll sleep just fine tonight.
  • Cue the prognostications about 2020.